The Santa Ana Water Tower: Symbol for Permanence, Reflection of Change
Written for American Studies C112B: American Cultural Landscapes, May 2007
Abstract
The Santa Ana Water Tower is a symbol of the city. It is located prominently at the intersection of the heavily-trafficked I-5, 55, and 91 freeways and in close proximity to major regional attractions such as Disneyland, Edison International Field, and the Arrowhead Pond. It stands tall among no peers in this suburban landscape, a welcome mat and exit door to Santa Ana. That is, despite the city being the county juridical and legislative center, Santa Ana had slowly lost out in the rapid economic growth experienced by most of Orange County since the 1980s. Santa Ana is no longer a point of destination, but a path through which one travels. The tower is one of only few recognizable images that characterize the city as it is experienced today by outsiders- from the viewpoint of the freeways.
Its use as a water repository is no longer significant. While this aging structure no longer contributes to the economy in any measurable way, it holds an important place in the city. This area was once home to rich agricultural lands that stretched along the Santa Ana River. In spite of fertile soils, the semi-arid southern California climate required irrigation and a reliable potable water supply. The 153-foot tower was constructed in 1928 but its presence has outlasted its original intent. The area has become increasingly urbanized and Santa Ana now represents one of the densest urban areas in the nation; the age of agriculture has given way to real estate demands. The city is now home to an overwhelmingly minority population (nearly 90%), a majority of whom were born outside the United States. Santa Ana’s population continues to languish in poverty, and this immigrant population views the city as a place- a transitory point between destinations- and not home. Discontinuities in history due to turnover populations have altered the cultural landscape of Santa Ana, which is richly endowed with a noble past. Although much has been lost in one form or another, there are vestiges that remain that symbolically represent place and meaning. The tower comments on those changing landscapes and through the decisions of the City Council, it has also actively played a role in (re)claiming Santa Ana’s historical role as the center of Orange County.
Santa Ana: From Agricultural Backgrounds towards Urban Center
The Santa Ana Valley was settled for its fine weather and good soil. Citruses, walnuts, and beans were the leading crops, and by 1928 citrus crop yields were estimated at over $22 million, with walnuts and lima beans following closely in value for the county. Processing and packing these crops provided Santa Ana’s largest single industry. Prosperity grown in the fields fueled urban development downtown. Santa Ana had over one-third of all manufacturing establishments and production workers in Orange County in the 1920s. A federal marketing pamphlet cited Santa Ana as the “trading center for 41 cities and towns” of a county that had grown to 118,674 people. By 1924, the city created a planning commission which approved an industrial and zoning map three years later. To support the growing population, the Metropolitan Water District was organized in November 1928. Santa Ana and Anaheim were the founding members, a collaborative effort that sought to supply economy-sustaining water to central Orange County. In 1933, work began on a major aqueduct; in 1928, the Santa Ana water tower was erected at the corner of Poinsettia Avenue and 14th Street.
Development of Santa Ana: Sedimentation of Class and Culture
The formalization of planning policies was purely the final step towards the formalization of previously informal social and ethnic segregation. The transfer of California to the United States was the result of the Mexican-American War. The presence of Spanish-Mexican descendants continued to play a role in the regional economy, but soon a new class hierarchy developed by the turn of the century. In 1930, 3,700 Mexicans resided in Santa Ana, or roughly comprising 12% of the population. It was during these first three decades that Lisbeth Haas identified as the beginning of the “barrioization” of Chicanos in Santa Ana, a term coined by Albert Camarillo as the formation of residentially and socially segregated neighborhoods. Pedro Castillo, a scholar specializing in the development of 20th century barrios in the southwest, states that the “most important aspect in the establishment of a new barrio is its relationship to employment.” Indeed, the Delhi barrio was located near the Holly Sugar Factory and the Logan barrio was located within the principal walnut growing, packing and shipping areas.
Logan is within two blocks to the east of the Tower, opposite the railroad tracks (and eventual freeway). It had been a multiethnic working class neighborhood in 1900, where American and European-born residents predominated, occupying 33 of 37 residences. Ethnicity and occupation did not determine the location of households. By 1910, the situation had changed. Chicano households constituted 40 percent of the households. 99 percent of the Chicano workforce was employed in agriculture. Spanish-surnamed residents lived on Lincoln Street and resided next to each other in groups based on birthplace. The boundaries of the barrio were formed by 1920. By 1923 ethnic residential segregation was more complete and commerce had moved within the barrio.
Simultaneously, the 1920s was the time of the development of the great neighborhoods of early Santa Ana designed in high architecture styles. French Park and Willard were had been developed in Craftsman and Colonial Revival Styles, with the remaining lots decorated in Late Craftsman, Spanish colonial, and Tudor Revival. Wilshire Square, Washington Square, and Floral Park, the southern section of Eastside, and the area east of Grand Avenue were all developed in the 1920s, neighborhoods that effectively created a buffer between downtown district and Logan barrio. The segregation patterns developed during this period continues to determine the location choices of ethnic groups in the city, with the majority of whites residing the above neighborhoods, and Latinos and Asians living in and around the early barrios.
Neighborhood-Based Contestations: The Tower at the Epicenter of Ethnic Struggles
The seasonal nature of agriculture is captured by the fact that 90% of women in Logan The temporary nature of employment is mirrored in the view held by many residents that Chicano residency was non-permanent. At the time, schools were segregated along White and Mexican schools. When the Mexican population grew in the 1920s, there was need for more schools and a public meeting was held to discuss the specifications of the new school. An objection was raised by the superintendent against a planned modern school. He agreed that the “fine buildings for the Mexican schools” was a good idea in principle, but warned “the population among the Mexicans has proven so migratory that permanent buildings have not been advisable.” It was the earliest in a long line of cross-cultural battles over education in Santa Ana. were unemployed during offseason.
French Park, one of the “north of 17th Street” neighborhoods and located two blocks to the northwest of Logan, has historically been one of the wealthiest neighborhoods in the city. Encompassing 160 historic Victorian and craftsman homes, residents of French Park have been active in the preservation of their homes, community, and way of life. In 2000, the local neighborhood association moved to erect four street barriers to curtail through traffic; one of these barriers is located just down the street from the water tower. One French Court resident complained that the barriers “made me feel that French Park had a long, thought-out plan to make their neighborhood more exclusive- I had a sense of being walled off.” Another speaker of likened the treatment to the Berlin Wall, which proceeded to make one French Park member cringe, “I don’t think we like (the barriers) being compared to the Berlin Wall.” After the barriers were ordered to be taken down by court ruling in 2003, French Park residents fired back by compiling a 201-page report that attempted to show that the barriers have no significant negative impacts.
Controversy arose surrounding the planned development of Lorin Griset Elementary School on a nine-acre site in north Santa Ana. The condemned land had originally been approved by the City Council for the construction of 36 multi-million dollar, luxury gated home community. But a $150 million school district bill was passed to alleviate overcrowding in public schools, and the site was reconsidered as a site for a school. Census 2000 data show that 53 percent of residents in the eight tracts above 17th Street are Latino, 22 percent are white, and 11 percent are Asian. In addition, the city median age is 26.5, the north Santa Ana census tracts have a much higher median age, 39. In 2003, the West Floral Park Neighborhood Association hosted a series of fundraising concerts, culminating in the hiring of an attorney to file suit against the school district over the contested site. ``Santa Ana very much has a need for high-end homes,'' said Phil Schaefer, a Realtor who lives in West Floral Park. “We have affordable housing all over the city. I do think the district overall is crowded and needs schools. However, this end of town is not really crowded.''
The sentiments echoed in Shaefer’s comment reinforce spatial division held over from original settlement. Robert Munoz, a social worker and Vice President of the neighborhood association, had voted for the bond measure but opposed the site on Farmers Drive. Instead, he advocated for the district to enact eminent domain and demolish blighted apartments. In his eyes, ``It all seems to be coming down to dollars. They say it costs millions to knock down and relocate. It sounds to me like it's more about the money than the children.'' This extreme case of nimbyism has produced an unexpected backlash. While advocating for the destruction of communities and potentially disrupting peace in other neighborhoods, fundraising and legal action against the construction of school has disturbed harmony within West Floral Park, itself. “It’s divisive,” says one resident, a former city planner. “We've enjoyed block parties where everyone was welcome. They're turning the concept of block parties and concerts into a political vehicle and that's discouraging.''
From Civic Pride to Political Necessity: Community Organizations and Neighborhood Associations
Civic participation had always been a part of life in Santa Ana. It was the product of the diverse interests of early settlers, reflected in residents belonging to one or more local organizations, not including involvement in church affairs. In the March 29, 1906 issue of the Daily Evening Blade, the Society and Lodge Notices listing identified 30 community organizations. From 1920 to 1924, population doubled. Annexation of lands, influx of wealth, and demand for homes resulted in new neighborhoods erected outside of the dense central district. Communities formed their own neighborhood associations and extended civic engagement to the extent that the period was dubbed the “Golden Age” of community organizations in Santa Ana.
As World War II veterans returned home, many opted to return to southern California, lured by good weather. Subdivision building quickly outpaced commercial and industrial development; Santa Ana soon transformed into a landscape of houses. The promise of the National Highway Act allowed residents to commute to bourgeoning cities to the south, such as Costa Mesa and Irvine. The historic, economic advantages of living and working around the transportation and industrial hub were obliterated with the introduction of highways. By this time, the Metropolitan Water District had established itself as a reliable source for fresh water (placement along Santa Ana River was no longer significant), access to railroad lines were still important (to business) but not critical, and the capitalization of the fertile valley that mobilized hundreds of early settlers had long been abandoned in favor of manufacturing in defense-related industries and the development of political Santa Ana as county seat. Cheap and open lands for agriculture were readily available in Riverside, new homes and large estates were developing in Irvine, and Newport Beach and Huntington Beach afforded close proximity to beach culture. The location importance of Santa Ana as site of work and play, and associated community-building aspects, was reduced to a place of residence; it was during this time when civic involvement dwindled.
Immigration, new resident population, and housing turnover in the 1970s translated into political crises over representation. Underrepresented in city government in spite of holding an overwhelmingly majority in population, the City Council sought ways to increase Latino involvement in city affairs. Latino settlement patterns had regenerated and reinforced barrio culture. This (lack of) distribution meant that divisions based on community lines also reflected minority concentrations. The proliferation of inclusive neighborhood associations between 1986 and 1992 is the embodiment of diverse populations seeking to become more invested in communities, the first sign towards neighborhood stability that has not been present in Santa Ana since the golden age of the 1920s; there are now 52 recognized neighborhood associations that represent virtually all residential city residential areas.
In the formative years, neighborhood associations functioned to voice resident complaints regarding code enforcement, crime, pavement, sidewalks, gutters, trees, perimeter wall repairs, and traffic mitigation. In more recent times, more neighborhoods, particularly those in the marginal areas of town, have incorporated themselves into city decision-making processes. While the barriers debate demonstrates the clout of upper-income neighborhoods, it is also emblematic of a more democratic approach to the forces of governance. "I think we are getting some level of trust," said Little. "Maybe we can do something that is good for the neighborhood instead of doing something that is divisive." In facilitating these discussions, Iliana Soto stressed the need to humanize the process, and enacted ice-breakers to cool the heatedness of the barrier debate. As residents grew more comfortable with one another, they talked about how the city had grown from farming community to urban center, and found commonality in their opposition to the 37-story One Broadway Plaza building planned nearby. This cross-community outreach and brokering towards compromise represents a decided shift towards social equilibrium.
Forging an Identify in Steel: the Tower as Billboard
A measure was recently passed that paved the way for the construction of what will eventually become the tallest building in Orange County, One Broadway Plaza. It is hoped that the project will revitalize downtown to be more business friendly and attract higher end clients. Not coincidentally, soon after the City Council decided change the text on the water tower to read “Downtown Orange County,” a claim defended given historical-geographical country relations. The problem is, however, that Santa Ana is hardly the center of commercial, social, or economic relations for the county; in fact, because of the suburban sprawl landscape which predominates, it is arguable that no city can stake such a claim in a county of over three million.
The move is only the latest of a series of equally bold and ironic statements to be printed on the city’s largest and most prominent billboard. "The water tower is one of the most observed landmarks in the city and beyond," said Councilman Jose Solorio. "What we want is a simple but striking design that features bold and important words. They are all the things Santa Ana wants to showcase." More accurately, these words are symbolic of what Santa Ana aspires to become.
In the past, there have been three different slogans which have been printed on the tower. Until the late 1980s, the script had read “Santa Ana: All-American City,” at a time when minorities had already become the overwhelming majority of city population. A change was made in favor of “Education First,” which drew ire in that the city school district boasts a dropout rate of 30%-35% and consistently rates among the lowest performing school districts in the state. Prior to “Downtown Orange County,” the City Council had decided to promote its investment in arts-related downtown developments by advertising on the tower “Arts & Culture City” of Orange County in 1997. Sadly, the highly publicized creation of artists’ lofts and redevelopment of the arts district did not generate expected returns.
Some argue that the end of the Arts & Culture campaign is a sign that the City Council has given up on the arts-led development in the downtown district. The signature project of the campaign was the establishment of an Artists Village, a nine-square block area in downtown. The plan called for the conversion of turn-of-the-century buildings into artists’ spaces, to revitalize the prized Santora Building, and link anchor institutions such as the Discovery ScienceMuseum, Bowers Museum, Kidseum, and St. Joseph’s Ballet into an “arts corridor.” The return has been marginally positive, having helped stabilize the area, stopping physical decline, and has raised property values. However, tangible benefits are much harder to quantify. Asks one student, Elvia Rubalcava: "So what do they do when they're successful? Jack up the rents?"
Recently, a college course was initiated at nearby Chapman University to examine the impacts of Santa Ana’s Arts & Cultures campaign. What the students have learned is that the arts in Santa Ana are "a terrain of conflict, disagreement, and contestation," says Mark Mattern, an assistant professor of political science, one of two instructors for the course. The Artists’ Village, it is noted, is mostly attended by white middle- and upper-class residents of the region. The low level of Latino participation is blamed on the focusing of traditional high end art, as opposed to locally produced art. "Whose art? Whose culture?" a student asks. City officials, she and others charge, are ignoring the struggling arts and culture organizations of Latino residents. "They're deeply aware of the tensions, dilemmas, and arguments about art and its usefulness in Santa Ana," he says. "They're the first to roll their eyes when city officials say they're surprised Latinos don't participate."
The Santa Ana Water Tower: Metaphor for Permanence, Symbol for Change
The Santa Ana Water Tower is situated at the intersection of downtown and residential neighborhoods, the juncture of railway and highways, at the crossroads of wealthier, established neighborhoods and newer populations; and sits in the crossfire of ethnic struggles as old as town. It stands as legacy to an agricultural heritage, but persists as the epitome of change. Changes in population over the past forty years have led to search for identity- “blessed are the ties that bind,” so are the words sung in Our Town. The need for commonality from an economic standpoint is to capitalize on the unique and fascinating culture that has stirred in Santa Ana; more practically, it serves to bridge cross cultural gaps in order to stabilize tensions.
Neighborhood associations empower formerly voiceless individuals, and the concerns expressed have been directed at what has appeared on the billboard known as the Santa Ana Water Tower. “Education First” led to open questioning on standards, raised the need for reform, and led to the recall of the school superintendent. “Arts & Culture” has sparked increasing interest in the classroom, where the next generation’s inquiring minds actively engage in local politics. “Downtown Orange County,” and One Broadway Plaza, has achieved something greater: it has created a united front of disparate neighborhoods under a common cause. Community formation and civic participation, the hallmarks of early Santa Ana, have come full circle to the city of immigrants.
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